Steve Richards: The recession has forced Cameron to revive the failed policies of old

The politics of the recession claims another policy, this time a big one. In announcing that the Conservatives will no longer stick with the Government's planned spending levels, David Cameron makes a move he was once determined to avoid.

When Cameron first became leader he was adamant he would never enter an election proposing immediate public spending reductions to pay for tax cuts. He knew that much of his party and some newspapers would call on him to make the move. He would not do so. The Tories had lost two elections on that basis. He would stick to the Government's plans at first and stay clear of the trap in which "Tory cuts" were a central theme of another campaign.

Yesterday, though, Cameron announced that he supported tax cuts, to be paid for from lower spending levels – the same pitch as his election-losing predecessors. But in the extraordinary game of chess that is being played out against the backdrop of the recession, he had no choice.

On Monday the Chancellor, Alistair Darling, will announce a much trailed tax cut in his pre-Budget report. The Conservative leadership could have opposed the cut, a stance that would have driven its party into a state of apoplectic fury and one that would have been unlikely to boost their more precarious opinion poll lead. As a second option they could have supported the Government in funding the cut out of borrowing, but that would not have been of much political use to them. If the cut was popular, the Government would have got the credit.

So Cameron and George Osborne opted for the only other available policy, their old favourite, a tax cut to be paid for out of "efficiency savings". The move gets them through next Monday's pre-Budget report and in the short-term at least gives them good lines.

Having followed the New Labour handbook from the mid-1990s in the early years of his leadership, Cameron is now taking the politics of the 1992 election as his guide, the last which was fought in an atmosphere of economic gloom.

The Conservatives won that election easily largely because of voters' fears about Labour's tax plans. Now Cameron revives the most famous slogan from that era. "Labour's tax bombshell" is back.

Will such slogans work again? They might do. An apparently long-lasting tax cut has more attractions than a temporary one and gives Cameron space to argue that the Government is borrowing recklessly. But there are big risks for the Tories. Most non-partisan economists recognise the case for higher borrowing to pay for a fiscal stimulus. The Conservatives are virtually on their own in claiming spending cuts are an immediate answer. The Liberal Democrats are being more candid and progressive in arguing that taxes on high earners should rise to pay for some of their proposals.

Spending cuts are also easier to announce than they are to implement, not least when the Conservatives have some ambitious spending programmes of their own. If Cameron comes up with any pain-free cuts, Brown will implement them first, as he did in the run-up to the last election.

And where does this leave Cameron's claim to have modernised his party when on pivotal issues such as "tax and spend" he plans to enter the next election with policies similar to the last? The recession is having as much impact on British politics as it is on the economy.

Independent Comment
blog comments powered by Disqus

Day In a Page

Picture preview: Lucian Freud drawings

Lucian Freud drawings

Picture preview
Silent revolution at the Baftas as the French take top awards

Silent revolution at the Baftas

The Artist wins in seven categories, with Meryl Streep the other big success story
Whitney Houston: The diva who had – and lost – it all

The diva who had – and lost – it all

Nick Hasted charts the highs and lows of Whitney Houston's life
How Picasso won over (some of) the British

How Picasso won over (some of) the British

Winston Churchill and Evelyn Waugh hated his work, but Picasso provided inspiration for a whole generation of UK artists
Topshop: A Decade Of Design

Topshop: A Decade Of Design

When London Fashion Week starts on Friday, Topshop will celebrate 10 years backing its brightest young stars
John Prescott: 'My wife thought I'd just retire, but I'm not a slippers man'

'My wife thought I'd just retire, but I'm not a slippers man'

At 73, John Prescott isn't mellowing. In fact he's taking a shot at becoming a police commissioner
Jim Gamble: We are losing the race to protect our young

Jim Gamble: We are losing the race to protect our young

Technology and the children who use it won't wait for slow-moving child-protection services and police to catch up
Sarah Sands: A friend is not the one you turn to, but the person who turns to you

Sarah Sands on friendship

A friend is not the one you turn to, but the person who turns to you
Andy Burnham: 'It's a genie out of the bottle moment'

Andy Burnham interview

'It's a genie out of the bottle moment'
Leveson: What we've learnt so far

Leveson: What we've learnt so far

Ingenious hacks, shifty editors and attacks of Sudden Memory Loss Syndrome – Matthew Bell assesses the state of play at the Royal Courts of Justice
Modern lovers: The 'sexual body warriors' and pioneers transforming 21st-century relationships

Modern lovers: The 'sexual body warriors'

Sarah Morrison meets the people redefining love in the 21st century.
'I was angry, so angry': How heartbreak, betrayal and Su Pollard helped Estelle find pop success

Estelle: 'I was angry, so angry'

The singer talks about heartache, betrayal and bouncing back.
Choc tactics: Bill Granger's Valentine's recipes for chocoholics

Bill Granger's Valentine's recipes for chocoholics

Should it be white, milk or plain? Can you make a melt-in-the-mouth pudding without using any?
Male, pale & stale: Could more women on the board help Mothercare – and other ailing firms?

Male, pale & stale

Could more women on the board help Mothercare – and other ailing firms?
Upstairs, downstairs, 2012-style

Upstairs, downstairs, 2012-style

There are now more domestic workers in Britain than in Edwardian times