Heirs to the house Jacques built: The race is on for Delors' job as head of European Commission. Sarah Lambert and Andrew Marshall in Brussels study the runners

Sarah Lambert,Andrew Marshall
Friday 25 February 1994 00:02 GMT
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THE European Commission is, at the best of times, a conspiratorial and byzantine institution. For the last few months, however, the atmosphere in the smoke-filled rooms has been even denser than usual. The top job of President is up for grabs.

The Commission is the bureaucracy that makes the European Union move. This does not begin to describe the politically charged atmosphere within which it works, and which pervades its decisions. It is a civil service with attitude - or in the view of its opponents, an attitude problem.

This is substantially the result of one man's efforts: the Commission is the house that Jacques built. The idea of creating a frontier-free European trade block, from which flowed plans for a single currency and the political structure dictated by the Maastricht treaty, owed its inspiration to Jacques Delors. But now he is on his way out after nine years, returning to French politics (some say he never left) and a successor must be chosen.

The Commission is not an elected body. Its members are appointed after frenzied networking across 12 capitals - a Brussels job can, depending on one's ambitions, be a reward or a punishment for domestic performance. The President emerges rather like a pope, but without the attendant smoke.

A decision must be taken by heads of government at the Corfu summit in June. It is an unspoken convention that everyone should get a crack at the whip sometime. Mr Delors is a socialist from one of the most powerful member states. The favourite is thus a conservative from a small country - the Dutch prime minister, Ruud Lubbers.

Mr Lubbers is a consummate deal-maker with wide experience of consensus politics. Such a skill is much appreciated in an institution that groups so many competiting interests, but some doubt his ability to lead from the top a la Delors. 'Nothing happens here unless you are prepared to fight for it,' explained a Commission source.

On the plus side, Mr Lubbers' appointment would satisfy the smaller member states who complain they are steam- rollered by the more powerful. He is perceived as coming from a political tradition that prizes free-trade Atlanticism with a strong emphasis on social responsibility (important for new Scandinavian members) and environmental protection. Though small countries may think he is beautiful, Mr Lubbers is not the favoured candidate of many southern states, who fear that the focus of the Union is drifting north. They would rather see Felipe Gonzalez, the Spanish prime minister and Mr Delors' preferred successor (though he refuses to say so publicly because 'the Commission is not a monarchy and the President does not appoint a dauphin'.) The only drawback is that Mr Gonzalez, chiefly for internal political reasons, does not want the job.

Sir Leon Brittan, one of two British commissioners, is also making sure that everybody knows he is a candidate. Of course, there is no election campaign, Sir Leon pointed out at a recent press conference, but 'if they would like me to do it, I would be honoured'. This was somewhat disingenuous, as he is the only contender actively campaigning and has toured member state capitals and further- flung outposts making policy speeches. He is courting the French particularly assiduously with numerous appearances, speaking French, on prime time television. Brussels sources say that on his recent trip through Europe he received some 'good signals' from member states. A discreet British lobbying campaign is clearly under way. Kenneth Clarke said in Paris that he thought France would back the British commissioner; in December, Douglas Hurd also expressed his support. A letter has been sent by John Major to heads of government arguing in favour of Sir Leon. But the government is clearly at pains to distance itself somewhat from the campaign, probably because its spotty record on Europe would not exactly help his candidacy.

If no easy decision can be made, a fourth candidate is waiting in the wings. Peter Sutherland, former Irish commissioner and now head of the Gatt, has been publicly protesting his lack of interest, but those who know him say 'he would kill for that job'.

The decisive votes will be those of France and Germany, and there are few signs that they have made their minds up yet. Helmut Kohl would prefer Mr Gonzalez, and has various gripes about Mr Lubbers. Many of the smaller countries will not make clear their positions until much later, ensuring that they emerge on the right side. In this race, it is better not to be seen to take part than to lose in public.

SIR LEON BRITTAN

Nationality: British. Age: 55. Occupation: Commissioner for External Economic Affairs, in other words trade. Previous experience: Don't mention helicopters. Left the Cabinet after the Westland affair, a row over European strategy that put Sir Leon on the anti-European side. Strong points: Brainy, with a sharp legal mind, but also brutally tough. Understands the first rule of politics - get them before they get you. Has some big ideas about making the Commission work better. Weak Points: British. Clever. Overwhelming ambition, which could crack open a safe door at 30 paces. Not universally trusted by British colleagues who believe he has 'gone native'. Not trusted by some European colleagues who believe he hasn't. Sponsors: The British (sometimes); maybe the French, who feel he did a good job in the Gatt negotiations.

FELIPE GONZALEZ

Nationality: Spanish. Age: 52. Occupation: Socialist prime minister of Spain. Previous experience: Labour lawyer and arguably prime architect of modern Spain. The moving force of Spanish socialism. His battle to turn the PSOE party away from its Marxist origins and make it more representative of modern young professionals resulted in a landslide election in 1982 and the formation of the first left-wing government since the civil war. Strong points: Commission has never had a 'southern' leader. Gonzalez is bright, widely respected and flexible, reputed for an ability to listen and then forge workable compromises. Weak points: a tendency to see all European issues from a Spanish perspective. Sponsors: France, Delors, the southern states. Why he wants job: Wrong. He doesn't want it because the PSOE would fall apart without him. He says it rains too much in Brussels.

RUUD LUBBERS

Nationality: Dutch. Age: 54. Occupation: Prime Minister of the Netherlands. Previous experience: background in economics and engineering. Cut political teeth as a negotiator. Surprise appointment to first cabinet post as economic affairs minister in 1973. By 1982 was the Netherlands' youngest-ever prime minister and now Europe's longest serving post-war premier. Strong points: Consummate deal-maker. Ability to stand above the fray. Weak points: Not a political visionary, difficult to determine what he stands for in a European context. Principal sponsors: Germany (on the assumption it cannot be Gonzalez), Britain (sometimes), almost everybody else (on the basis that he is the most 'neutral' contender). Why he wants job: The Netherlands is not big and he is bored; the Commission offers greater political scope - a new challenge.

(Photographs omitted)

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