It is Unionist cowardice that is largely to blame for the failure to reach an agreement in Northern Ireland

Opportunities such as this have not come along often

The Bourbons, it has been said, forgot nothing – and learned nothing. The same might be said about Northern Irish Unionists, or rather their leaders, who bear the lion’s share of responsibility for the failure of months of peace talks under Richard Haass on solving the contentious issues of parades, flags and the past. Opportunities such as this have not come along often in the history of this bitterly divided community. Now, the ship seems to have sailed, with Dr Haass back in America and his 38-page document still lying unsigned on the table in Stormont.

Both Dr Haass, and the Prime Minister, David Cameron, have put a positive spin on this impasse, Mr Cameron claiming that the talks have provided a “basis for continuing discussions”. But the reality is that the talks have foundered on the rock of Protestant extremism, which has scented victory and will not now back down, rendering the chances of a breakthrough further down the line unlikely. It is the old problem of Ulster politics. Each time community leaders look as if they are about to make serious compromises, they are denounced as traitors, and run scared. Ironically, the Democratic Unionists – who Ian Paisley founded as a breakaway from the more moderate Official Unionists – are now themselves being called appeasers by more hardline elements within the community. The fear of another great secession within Unionist ranks explains why the Unionist parties have baulked at signing up to the Haass proposals, unlike Sinn Fein, which has pledged its support.

The great Unionist fallacy is that if Sinn Fein agrees to anything, then it must ipso facto be suspect and a trap. Yet, it is hard to see the Haass proposals as anything but scrupulously even-handed. What he has proposed is the formation of a parades office tasked with approving and managing the annual processions, and an agreement on the terms of flying of the Union flag on official buildings. For hardline Protestants, who insist on a literally God-given right to march anywhere, the idea of having to consult anyone about parades is unacceptable. Nor do they concede that there is much of an issue about flying the Union flag, every day, from Belfast City Hall.

Of course, it is tragic that our national flag, the same flag that we cheered during the London Olympics, remains a subject of contention in Northern Ireland – a symbol of division, not unity. But we cannot pretend the situation is other than it is, and, until the flag becomes less toxic in Nationalist eyes – if that day ever dawns – it is senseless and politically stupid to try and ride roughshod over their feelings on the subject. The plain fact is that on both flags and parades, Sinn Fein and the Nationalists seem to have been prepared to compromise, while the Unionists, frightened of their own extremists, would not commit themselves.

If Unionists imagine that a show of obstinacy now will gain them a better deal on flags and parades in the long run, they are mistaken. The demographics of Northern Ireland are not moving in their favour. If they end up having to agree to terms that are far less generous than the ones that Dr Haass proposed, they will have only themselves to blame.