Leader: Why Ulster should vote

It is time for the Dublin government and nationalist parties in Northern Ireland to lick their wounds, swallow their pride and accept the principle of an early election in Ulster. They might not like the idea, given that it will delay all-party talks still further. They may fear it will renew the bigotry of earlier Ulster assemblies. And they are angry with John Major for springing the idea on them. But they should focus not on opposing the idea of a poll, but instead upon the kind of body it will create.

This change of tack would represent an acknowledgement of political reality. The proposal has gained considerable political momentum: it is backed by Mr Major, Tony Blair and David Trimble, the Ulster Unionist leader. More important, an election would allow the British government, and in time the Ulster Unionists, to drop their precondition that the IRA must decommission weapons before all-party talks can begin. In short, it offers an opportunity for political progress, albeit delayed until after the proposed election.

The signs are that John Hume, leader of the mainly Catholic SDLP, has recognised the need for flexibility. When he emerged last night from talks with the Prime Minister, his anger seemed to have dissipated. He said he was engaged in a process of talks that he hoped would lead to settlement. Sadly the same cannot be said for Gerry Adams, the Sinn Fein president, who said after his meeting with Sir Patrick Mayhew yesterday that he remained "implacably" opposed to an election.

The nationalists' difficulties are understandable. The Catholic minority in Northern Ireland fears the return of the bogey man of the Unionist- dominated Stormont. The Dublin government is still floundering: a snap poll this week found that a majority in the Republic thought that northern nationalists should boycott the election. John Bruton, the Irish premier, yesterday had to defend himself against opposition charges that he had been outmanoeuvred by the British. All of this reduces the Irish premier's capacity to push Sinn Fein towards moderation.

John Major has much to do to repair the damage inflicted on the Anglo- Irish relationship. He must distance himself from Mr Trimble, who envisages an assembly that would meet regularly, have committees and function much like its predecessors, which collapsed in acrimony. Mr Trimble wants an assembly that would operate like a form of legislature. Yet this is not the only way forward.

Mr Major must show that his sympathies lie closer to the nationalist idea of a "virtual assembly", which would not meet in a formal public forum. The poll would be used only to elect a group of negotiators who would sit down for talks in private. It would give them a democratic mandate to engage in talks. It would not be used to establish a formal assembly. Such an approach might allay nationalist fears that a new Stormont is being created while still engaging the Ulster Unionists in the peace process.

Yesterday Sir Patrick Mayhew suggested that he leaned towards this interpretation, saying that he did not envisage an assembly with legislative, administrative or executive powers. If Sir Patrick sticks to his word, then Dublin and the SDLP should go along with an election. Sinn Fein could not afford to be far behind.