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The UK has a long way to go before becoming a tolerant multicultural society

Everywhere from the workplace to the mental health wards, from being stopped by the police or insulted at the bus stop, ethnic minorities are in a generally poor position

Wednesday 17 August 2016 18:55 BST
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Four police forces have no minority policemen or women at all; and in 11 there are no minority officers above the rank of Inspector
Four police forces have no minority policemen or women at all; and in 11 there are no minority officers above the rank of Inspector (Ben Cawthra/REX/Shutterstock)

The latest report from the Equality and Human Rights Commission paints a dispiriting portrait of a Britain where the worst excesses of casual racism may have been extirpated, but also where a huge amount of inequality related to race or religion still persists.

For anyone who believes that Britain is a tolerant multicultural society that is well on the road to “solving” its divisions, the EHRC’s meticulous presentation of statistical evidence will prove something of a shock. The only criticism of the report is that its recommendations – principally calling for a “long-term strategy” – lack much in the way of specifics. Even so, the report is extremely valuable.

Race-based inequalities pervade national life. Some are difficult to comprehend today. Starting at the earliest of ages, the EHRC finds that racist language is “common” in schools, with much bullying attached to it. Gypsy/Roma, Irish Travellers and Black Caribbean pupils suffer the lowest attainment at GCSE, to their lasting detriment. Poor educational opportunities for racial minorities lead to longer-term disadvantages in earning power and, thus, living standards, including access to good quality housing – and a separate report from a Commons select committee confirms a rising trending homelessness.

Black graduates are likely to earn almost half as much as their white counterparts. People from ethnic minorities have disproportionately high unemployment rates. They suffer poorer mental and physical health. They are invariably underrepresented in the professions, which means there are few leadership role models for them, especially in education. In particular, the police forces of Britain are doing badly at recruiting and promoting officers form a minority background. Strangely, four police forces have no minority policemen or women at all; and in 11 there are no minority officers above the rank of inspector.

Even when they turn to the media ethnic minorities find their lives distorted, as the Leveson Inquiry pointed out in 2012. The EHRC condemns the “almost exclusively negative” reporting of Gypsy and Traveller people in the press.

Everywhere from the workplace to the mental health wards, from being stopped by the police or insulted at the bus stop, ethnic minorities are in a generally poor position.

Still, it is a more complicated and varied picture than might be expected. The report also highlights the fact that poor white boys (who receive free school meals) in fact display the lowest educational attainment of any sub group. While those of Bangladeshi origin have the lowest pay of all ethnic minorities, those of Indian heritage buck the usual trend by having a negative pay gap – i.e. earn more on average – than their white fellow citizens. The White Irish have much poorer physical heath than many people of colour. And so on.

So there is much evidence of crude, old-fashioned racism – such as the steep rise in hate crimes, particularly Islamophobic and anti-Semitic attacks, for example; but also phenomena that cannot be explained solely on the basis of prejudice against people of a particular skin colour. Plainly, there are other factors at work here, and the EHRC is in an excellent position to move forward with its research and to inform that debate at a more detailed level.

The EHRC is right to call for a “comprehensive” long-term government strategy on racism to build on the very real progress that has been made since, say the passing of the first anti-discrimination legislation in 1965. As it argues, it could be helpful if there was a single cabinet minister responsible for equality. Yet they ought also to have said much more about what new legislation might help; how financial or other incentives could change behaviour and cultures; and how positive discrimination could make a difference, and where. All should agree, though, there is still much work to do.

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