Will rejoining Erasmus set Britain on a path back to Europe?
The next general election could feel like a rerun of the 2016 Brexit referendum if parties consolidate their positions on Europe, as Sean O’Grady explains

To the delight of the university sector and students, the government has announced that Britain will rejoin the EU student exchange scheme, Erasmus (now known officially as Erasmus+).
For the first time since Brexit, a formal framework will exist with public funding for students in the UK and in EU countries to study or gain work experience across member states. It will cost the British taxpayer some £570m to pay into the scheme, which ministers say will come from existing departmental budgets.
The announcement has divided opinion, as might be expected with anything related to the European Union and Brexit.
What does the government say?
In his final PMQs before Christmas, Keir Starmer lauded it as a significant achievement, to the audible satisfaction of his backbenchers. The minister of state for education, Jacqui Smith, bathed the news in some soapy warm words: “This is about breaking down barriers to opportunity, giving learners the chance to build skills, confidence and international experience that employers value. Erasmus+ will open doors for thousands of students and staff right across the country, in universities, schools, colleges and adult education.”
What’s the problem for the Tories?
Sticking to their Eurosceptic guns and defending Britain’s withdrawal from the programme under Boris Johnson, they can’t help but sound a bit sour. Shadow foreign secretary Priti Patel, for example, commented: “Labour continue to betray Brexit. They have consistently undermined the result of the 2016 referendum and remain obsessed with dragging Britain back under the control of Brussels. Now they are throwing away billions of pounds of hard-pressed taxpayers’ money on rejoining Erasmus, instead of taking advantage of our Brexit freedoms to support trade with the rest of the world, boost investment, and drive economic growth.”
Their argument is that Erasmus wasn’t good value for money for the UK before Brexit, and it still isn’t now – other nations get more out of it than we do.
Who’s right?
A highly contentious question. It also depends on what, if any, value is placed on the non-monetary aspects of the experience for the students and teachers involved.
What about the Turing scheme?
This was a much more global, but weaker – and cheaper – scheme intended to replace Erasmus. It might still continue, leaving British students with an even wider choice of options to broaden their horizons. It costs about £110m a year.
Does this mean the UK-EU Youth Mobility Scheme will happen?
Agreement on a new youth mobility initiative is already almost complete, and it is scheduled to begin next year. Tens of thousands of UK and EU students will enjoy the right to live and work in each other’s countries by the end of 2026 – effectively a modest nod to the old pre-Brexit regime that allowed the “free movement” of labour. It may inflate or distort the immigration numbers, even though the youth exchange scheme does not provide for permanent residence.
Does Erasmus+ mean we’re going to rejoin the EU?
Not in the short term, though there is a sense of pro-EU momentum here. Like it or not, and for what it’s worth, the Labour manifesto was unequivocal: “With Labour, Britain will stay outside of the EU. But to seize the opportunities ahead, we must make Brexit work. We will reset the relationship and seek to deepen ties with our European friends, neighbours and allies. That does not mean reopening the divisions of the past. There will be no return to the single market, the customs union, or freedom of movement.”
However, Labour did commit to a “reset”, and Erasmus+ is part of that process; agreements on food and animal standards, electricity trading, mutual recognition of professional standards, and smoothing the Northern Ireland border are other aspects of the reset. The now close cooperation on security and defence has opened up a whole new dimension in UK-EU relations – a kind of proto-defence community. Parliamentary links between Westminster and Brussels/Strasbourg are also to be strengthened.
Why is the government doing this?
First, to help boost economic growth and strengthen educational and cultural benefits. Second, for base political advantage. As Brexit becomes less and less popular, Labour sees some benefit for itself in striking a more pro-EU pose, attracting “Remainers” with a view to fighting the next election on closer links to Europe against Reform UK, which is actually advocating tearing up the Johnson Brexit agreement.
By giving voters a choice between a Labour government that is gradually reducing barriers to trade and travel, and a Reform-led opposition proposing “more Brexit” and erecting more obstacles to business and personal freedoms, Starmer will be hoping to unite the Remain vote behind his party.
The plan would mean forcing disillusioned ex-Labour supporters now voting Green or Liberal Democrat to confront the choice between a vaguely pro-European Labour government and a virulent Reform administration that would side with Maga America and Putin. The next election won’t be a rerun of the 2016 EU referendum, but it will certainly feel a bit like it.
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